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<text id=90TT3483>
<title>
Dec. 31, 1990: Haiti:An Avalanche For Democracy
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1990
Dec. 31, 1990 The Best Of '90
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
WORLD, Page 29
HAITI
An Avalanche for Democracy
</hdr>
<body>
<p>A priest's appeal to the poor wins him the presidency, but he
will need more than popularity to remedy his country's problems
</p>
<p>By GUY GARCIA--Reported by Cathy Booth and Bernard Diederich/
Port-au-Prince
</p>
<p> In the sermon-like speeches that antagonized his enemies and
mesmerized his followers, Father Jean-Bertrand Aristide often
described his movement as a lavalas, the Haitian term for a
cleansing avalanche that will wash away tyranny and corruption.
That image was particularly relevant last week, as a political
lavalas carried the 37-year-old Roman Catholic priest to an
overwhelming victory in Haiti's first truly democratic
presidential elections.
</p>
<p> The triumph of Aristide and his party, the National Front
for Change and Democracy, was a resounding endorsement of his
brand of theological populism, which is based on restoring the
dignity and material well-being of the country's 6.2 million
people. Even before the results were official, Port-au-Prince
erupted in spontaneous street demonstrations bigger than the
ones that followed the departure of the hated Jean-Claude "Baby
Doc" Duvalier in 1986. As police in riot gear nervously looked
on, thousands of jubilant Haitians waved tree branches as a
sign of joy and shouted, "Aristide is President!" Aristide's
victory, said Haitian economist Gerard Pierre Charles, marks a
breakthrough in "the people's historic struggle for democracy
against authoritarianism."
</p>
<p> Despite isolated reports of missing ballots and other
irregularities, United Nations observers described the elections
as fair. Former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, one of the
monitors, called the voting "remarkably peaceful" and hailed the
military for its uncharacteristically supportive role. Early
results projected Aristide winning with 70% of the votes; the
second-place finisher, former World Bank official Marc Bazin,
received only 13%.
</p>
<p> Born in the isolated fishing village of Port Salut, Aristide
moved with his widowed mother to the capital and was educated
by Salesian priests, a group dedicated to charity and spiritual
instruction for poor and orphaned children. Even before his
ordination in 1982, he began writing protest songs about the
exploitation of the poor. Sent to Israel and Canada to study the
Bible and psychology, he returned to Haiti in 1985, just in time
to participate in the nonviolent anti-Duvalier movement. After
Duvalier's ouster, Aristide continued to be a persistent critic
of the government and an outspoken proponent of the "liberation
theology" movement, based in Latin America, which holds that
the clergy has a moral obligation to improve the plight of the
poor by organizing them politically.
</p>
<p> Aristide's polemical preaching led to his expulsion from the
Salesian order in 1988. While he technically remains a priest,
Aristide is forbidden to say Mass. He has indicated he will
leave the priesthood to serve as Haiti's President.
</p>
<p> Aristide's activism has also put him in mortal danger. Since
1986, there have been numerous attempts on his life. The danger
was evident three weeks ago, when a grenade killed eight people
at a rally outside Port-au-Prince. Aristide's uncanny ability
to survive such attacks has led some Haitians to believe he is
protected by magical and religious powers.
</p>
<p> But the priest's supporters are not taking any chances.
Since the election, Aristide has made no statements or public
appearances. He now wears a bulletproof vest and sleeps in a
different location every night. Until he takes office in
February, the most immediate threat is from forces loyal to
Duvalier. Roger Lafontant, a former leader of Duvalier's dreaded
Tontons Macoutes, has vowed he will "do anything" to prevent
Aristide from becoming President.
</p>
<p> Even without the added worry of assassination, Aristide
faces a formidable task. Haiti's economy is a shambles, with
poverty rampant, electric outages a common occurrence and
potable water at a premium. Unemployment and underemployment run
at a minimum of 65%, and inflation rises 2% each month. The U.S.
is considering increasing food aid, development assistance and
other economic credits. But first Aristide must hammer out an
economic program.
</p>
<p> Besides freeing the country from the grip of the Tontons
Macoutes, Aristide has pledged to wage war on corruption and
bring openness to government. But to succeed he will have to
enlist the help of the very groups he has alienated, including
the church, businessmen and the upper classes. Since his party
failed to win a majority in the 110-seat parliament, he may also
have to learn the art of democratic compromise. Last week
Aristide hinted at the possibility of forming a government of
"patriotic union" that would include some of his former
opponents.
</p>
<p> Meanwhile Aristide faces a delicate balancing act: to keep
his credibility with the masses, he must act quickly to
institute reforms, but not at the expense of national unity. And
while Aristide seems to enjoy the support of some of the
military rank and file, there is no guarantee that its
commanders will remain loyal.
</p>
<p> But most Haitians remain optimistic. Says Jean-Claude
Bajeux, a professor of theology and the head of Haiti's
Ecumenical Human Rights Center: "He knows he alone can't change
the country, and we can't ask him to make the changes with a
magical wand." If the people remember that, then not even the
army can stop Aristide's avalanche.
</p>
</body>
</article>
</text>